The Silent Otto: Difference between revisions
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same principle, providing power for machine shops, breweries, printing | | same principle, providing power for machine shops, breweries, printing | | ||
presses, pumping installations, and electric-light plants. | presses, pumping installations, and electric-light plants.'''''<sup>5</sup>''''' | ||
| In order to account for the sudden success of this engine let us | | |||
| go back to the beginning of Otto’s work with engines, follow the | |||
| course of his thought through the fifteen years of work that culminated | | |||
| in the Silent Otto, and try to see what the breakthrough was that | | |||
| led to an adequate solution to the problem that had been troubling | |||
| workers on the internal-combustion engine for a generation: the prob- | | |||
| lem of how to get a smooth flow of power out of an explosive fuel | | |||
| burned in the working cylinder. | | |||
| In the 1870's and the 1880’s it was not easy to say what made the | |||
| Silent Otto silent. The question was argued in great length in courts | | |||
| of law and in professional journals, and the most eminent experts dis- | | |||
| agreed with each other and changed their minds. Otto thought that the | |||
| key to his success was a special way he had of introducing fuel and air | | |||
| into the cylinder that cushioned the shock of the explosion. The pre- | | |||
| vailing—but not unanimous—opinion of the profession was that he was | |||
| wrong, and even today engineers do not always agree on the desirabil- | | |||
| ity of heterogeneous or stratified charges of the kind that Otto thought | | |||
| he had in his engine. | |||
| Otto was a traveling salesman without technical training in 1860 | | |||
| when he read in the paper an enthusiastic account of a gas engine built | | |||
| by a Frenchman named Etienne Lenoir (1822-1900). He arranged to | | |||
| have a similar small engine built by a mechanic, started tinkering with | | |||
| it in his spare time, and promptly ran up against the key problem that | |||
| baffled everyone at that time: how to control an explosive fuel. | | |||
| The Lenoir engine, which was very widely discussed in the popular | | |||
| and the technical press in the period 1860-63, was a two-stroke, | | |||
| double-acting affair that looked very much like a steam engine and | | |||
| operated without compression. It sucked in a mixture of illuminating | | |||
| gas and air, ignited it by an electric spark halfway through the stroke, | |||
| and used the remaining half as the power stroke. On the way back the | | |||
| piston was driven by a similar impulse on the other side. The publicity | | |||
| Line 127: | Line 188: | ||
1 Recently, e.g. by Gustav Goldbeck in “Entwicklungsstufen des Verbrennungsmotors,” Motortechnische Zeitschrift, XXIII (1962), 76-80, and in several other articles; by Friedrich Sass in Geschichte des deutschen Verbrennungsmotorenbaues von 1860 bis 1918 (Berlin, 1962), pp. 19-74, 147-67; and by Arnold Langen in Nicolaus August Otto, der Schopfer des Verbrennungsmotors (Stuttgart, 1949). I rely heavily on Professor Sass for information about engines. I also acknowledge very helpful conversations with Dr. Goldbeck, archivist of Klockner-Humboldt-Deutz, and with Professors C. Fayette Taylor and Augustus R. Rogowski of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. | 1 Recently, e.g. by Gustav Goldbeck in “Entwicklungsstufen des Verbrennungsmotors,” Motortechnische Zeitschrift, XXIII (1962), 76-80, and in several other articles; by Friedrich Sass in Geschichte des deutschen Verbrennungsmotorenbaues von 1860 bis 1918 (Berlin, 1962), pp. 19-74, 147-67; and by Arnold Langen in Nicolaus August Otto, der Schopfer des Verbrennungsmotors (Stuttgart, 1949). I rely heavily on Professor Sass for information about engines. I also acknowledge very helpful conversations with Dr. Goldbeck, archivist of Klockner-Humboldt-Deutz, and with Professors C. Fayette Taylor and Augustus R. Rogowski of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. | ||
2 Sass, p. 44; Paul Gille, “Beau de Rochas. Les trois mémoires de 1862 sur | 2 Sass, p. 44; Paul Gille, “Beau de Rochas. Les trois mémoires de 1862 sur différentes conditions d’application de Iénergie,” Documents pour Pbistoire des tech- | | ||
| niques, No. 2, p. 37; Conrad Matschoss, Geschichte der Gasmotorenfabrik Deutz | | | niques, No. 2, p. 37; Conrad Matschoss, Geschichte der Gasmotorenfabrik Deutz | | ||
| Line 135: | Line 194: | ||
| (Berlin, 1921), p. 55. | | | (Berlin, 1921), p. 55. | | ||
184 | |||
3 Gustav Goldbeck, “Nicolas-Auguste Otto (1832-1881),” Documents pour Ibistoire des techniques, No. 1, p. 38. The year of Otto’s death is misprinted in this title. It should be 1891. | |||
4 Sass, p. 319. | |||
5 Matschoss, pp. 107-8. | |||
6 For an early popular account see Alfred Darcel, “Un nouveau Moteur,” | |||
L’Dlustration, XXXV (1860), 342-43. For a technical study see H. Tresca, “Procés- | |||
Verbal des expériences faites sur les moteurs a gaz de M. Lenoir,” Annales du Con- | |||
servatoire Impérial des Arts et Métiers, 1 (1861), 849-79. Articles by engineers | |||
appearing in German journals that Otto could have seen are conveniently sum- | |||
marized under the heading “Gaskraftmaschine” in Jabresbericht iiber die Fort- | |||
schritte der mechanischen Technik und Technologie, 1 (1863), 111-31. “According | |||
to Cosmos, and other French papers,” said the Scientific American (III [1860], 193), | |||
“the age of steam is ended—Watt and Fulton will soon be forgotten. This is the way | |||
they do such things in France.” | |||
Revision as of 18:16, 31 January 2025
The Silent Otto
LYNWOOD BRYANT
The story of the gas engine that I am calling the Silent Otto—the first |
| engine to operate on the four-stroke cycle, and the first to achieve com- |
| pression of the charge within the working cylinder—has been told be- |
| fore.! But I should like to go over it again in order to consider a ques- |
| tion that still seems significant to a historian interested in technology |
| and culture: Why was this engine suddenly successful after seventy- |
| five years of rather fumbling efforts to develop an internal-combustion |
| engine? |
| Nicolaus August Otto (1832-91) built the first Silent Otto in 1876 |
| in the Gasmotorenfabrik Deutz near Cologne (Fig. 1). In its original |
| form the engine had one horizontal cylinder, drew in a charge of illu- |
| minating gas and air through a slide valve, compressed it within the |
| cylinder with a compression ratio of about 24:1, and ignited it with |
| a flame. The engine developed about three horsepower at a speed of |
| 180 revolutions per minute, had a thermal efficiency of about 14 per |
| cent (two or three times as good as a comparable steam engine), and |
| weighed about a ton per horsepower.2 They called it “silent” not be- |
| cause you could not hear it when it was running—you certainly could |
| —but because it ran much more smoothly and quietly than its immediate |
| predecessor, the Otto and Langen, is a one-cylinder atmospheric gas |
| MR. BryANT is associate professor of history at the Massachusetts Institute of |
| Technology. engine that crashed and clanged like a rapid-fire pile driver and must |
have been a difficult engine to live with. So the great selling point of |
Otto's engine of 1876 was that it was quiet. |
| In designing this engine Otto was aiming at the rapidly growing |
| market for small stationary power plants; he needed an engine that was |
smaller and smoother and more flexible than the noisy and awkward |
| Otto and Langen, and especially one that could be built for larger |
powers, for the atmospheric engine was limited to about three horse- |
power. In competition with the steam engine, the gas engine could |
offer superior efficiency, but it used an expensive fuel. For small pow- |
ers, though, where fuel economy was not a first consideration, it had |
the decisive advantage of easy operation and adaptability to intermit- |
tent use. A steam engine had a long warm-up period, and its fire had to |
be kept going whether the engine was working or not; it had a danger- |
ous boiler and required a full-time attendant, a license, and perhaps a |
separate structure to house the power plant and the fuel supply. The |
gas engine, on the other hand, could be started and stopped at will, it |
did not have to be fed when it was not working, and it could be safely |
installed right in a shop, with no license, no special operator, and no |
~~ fuel-storage problem if it used city gas. It was advantages like these |
that led Otto and other heroes of the development of the internal- |
combustion engine to dream of supplanting the steam engine. |
| The Silent Otto was a spectacular success. It was a sensation at the |
Paris Exposition of 1878, and within a few years it dominated the mar- |
ket for small stationary power plants. It proved to be a form of engine |
capable of development into many shapes and sizes, vertical and hori- |
zontal, large and small, with single and multiple cylinders, using gas |
or liquid fuel, and flame or hot-tube or electric ignition. Almost over- |
night the hot-air engine and the atmospheric gas engine were rendered |
obsolete, and the two-stroke engine was not a serious threat for some |
time. At the Paris Exposition of 1889, after the patents had been |
| broken in Germany and France, there were said to have been fifty types |
of engine operating on Otto’s principle. At the end of the century a |
four-cylinder engine of one-thousand horsepower was delivered,* and |
~~ there must have been one hundred thousand engines in service bearing |
~~ Otto’s name, not to mention the dozens of competing brands using the |
same principle, providing power for machine shops, breweries, printing |
presses, pumping installations, and electric-light plants.5
| In order to account for the sudden success of this engine let us |
| go back to the beginning of Otto’s work with engines, follow the
| course of his thought through the fifteen years of work that culminated |
| in the Silent Otto, and try to see what the breakthrough was that |
| led to an adequate solution to the problem that had been troubling
| workers on the internal-combustion engine for a generation: the prob- |
| lem of how to get a smooth flow of power out of an explosive fuel |
| burned in the working cylinder. |
| In the 1870's and the 1880’s it was not easy to say what made the
| Silent Otto silent. The question was argued in great length in courts |
| of law and in professional journals, and the most eminent experts dis- |
| agreed with each other and changed their minds. Otto thought that the
| key to his success was a special way he had of introducing fuel and air |
| into the cylinder that cushioned the shock of the explosion. The pre- |
| vailing—but not unanimous—opinion of the profession was that he was
| wrong, and even today engineers do not always agree on the desirabil- |
| ity of heterogeneous or stratified charges of the kind that Otto thought |
| he had in his engine.
| Otto was a traveling salesman without technical training in 1860 |
| when he read in the paper an enthusiastic account of a gas engine built |
| by a Frenchman named Etienne Lenoir (1822-1900). He arranged to |
| have a similar small engine built by a mechanic, started tinkering with |
| it in his spare time, and promptly ran up against the key problem that
| baffled everyone at that time: how to control an explosive fuel. |
| The Lenoir engine, which was very widely discussed in the popular |
| and the technical press in the period 1860-63, was a two-stroke, |
| double-acting affair that looked very much like a steam engine and |
| operated without compression. It sucked in a mixture of illuminating |
| gas and air, ignited it by an electric spark halfway through the stroke,
| and used the remaining half as the power stroke. On the way back the |
| piston was driven by a similar impulse on the other side. The publicity |
1 Recently, e.g. by Gustav Goldbeck in “Entwicklungsstufen des Verbrennungsmotors,” Motortechnische Zeitschrift, XXIII (1962), 76-80, and in several other articles; by Friedrich Sass in Geschichte des deutschen Verbrennungsmotorenbaues von 1860 bis 1918 (Berlin, 1962), pp. 19-74, 147-67; and by Arnold Langen in Nicolaus August Otto, der Schopfer des Verbrennungsmotors (Stuttgart, 1949). I rely heavily on Professor Sass for information about engines. I also acknowledge very helpful conversations with Dr. Goldbeck, archivist of Klockner-Humboldt-Deutz, and with Professors C. Fayette Taylor and Augustus R. Rogowski of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
2 Sass, p. 44; Paul Gille, “Beau de Rochas. Les trois mémoires de 1862 sur différentes conditions d’application de Iénergie,” Documents pour Pbistoire des tech- |
| niques, No. 2, p. 37; Conrad Matschoss, Geschichte der Gasmotorenfabrik Deutz |
| (Berlin, 1921), p. 55. |
184
3 Gustav Goldbeck, “Nicolas-Auguste Otto (1832-1881),” Documents pour Ibistoire des techniques, No. 1, p. 38. The year of Otto’s death is misprinted in this title. It should be 1891.
4 Sass, p. 319.
5 Matschoss, pp. 107-8.
6 For an early popular account see Alfred Darcel, “Un nouveau Moteur,”
L’Dlustration, XXXV (1860), 342-43. For a technical study see H. Tresca, “Procés-
Verbal des expériences faites sur les moteurs a gaz de M. Lenoir,” Annales du Con-
servatoire Impérial des Arts et Métiers, 1 (1861), 849-79. Articles by engineers
appearing in German journals that Otto could have seen are conveniently sum-
marized under the heading “Gaskraftmaschine” in Jabresbericht iiber die Fort-
schritte der mechanischen Technik und Technologie, 1 (1863), 111-31. “According
to Cosmos, and other French papers,” said the Scientific American (III [1860], 193),
“the age of steam is ended—Watt and Fulton will soon be forgotten. This is the way
they do such things in France.”